In Nigeria’s complex political landscape, the path from deputy governor to governor remains steep and often impassable. While some have ascended through tragedy or circumstance, most deputies face systemic barriers, including party zoning, financial exclusion, and deep-seated mistrust. Correspondents from Leadersipspoke with former deputies across states like Kebbi, Niger, Enugu, and Imo to uncover the root causes and rare success stories.
In states like Kebbi, where no deputy has ever succeeded a governor, party arrangements often dictate outcomes. Bello Dantani Argungu, deputy to former Governor Muhammed Adamu Aliero, highlighted how zoning formulas designed to rotate power among regions can sideline ambitious deputies. “There are some states where deputies have succeeded their governors, but Kebbi has never recorded such a development,” Argungu told our correspondent.
Echoing this, Alhaji Ibrahim Aliyu, deputy to ex-Governor Saidu Nasamu Dakingari, emphasized the need for ironclad alliances. “It can happen only if there is a written agreement due to betrayal between the governor and deputy for the succession to become real,” Aliyu said. Without mutual trust and buy-in from party stakeholders, deputies are left vulnerable.
Ahmed Mohammed Ketso, immediate past deputy governor of Niger State, identified financial opacity as the primary deterrent. “Most deputy governors are always excluded financially. They don’t know much about the state’s finances; the governor will not want them to take over and discover atrocities that could attract a probe,” Ketso explained.
This exclusion fosters rifts, compounded by the governor’s inner circle. Ketso noted that aides often stoke divisions, fearing a new leader might purge them. Moreover, governors view experienced deputies as potential threats—too savvy to manipulate once in power. “Governors are always afraid to support their deputies because many are extremely suppressive towards them,” he added.
Despite these hurdles, Ketso insisted his contributions to Niger’s development were substantial, dismissing governors’ paranoia as “unfounded.” He admitted to feeling sidelined from the state’s “deeper finances” but focused on tangible impacts during his tenure.
The story of Sunday Onyebuchi, former deputy to Enugu State’s Sullivan Chime, exemplifies how impeachment can derail ambitions. Onyebuchi’s 2014 removal, which he called “politically motivated,” was allegedly timed to thwart his succession bid amid Chime’s illness. “It was used to achieve a predetermined outcome,” he said. Enugu has never seen a deputy ascend to the governorship, with observers citing “fear of the unknown” as the main reason.
In Imo State, Prince Eze Madumere’s saga underscores the peril of unkept pacts. Former Governor Rochas Okorocha promised Madumere the 2019 ticket as a “political son,” only to pivot to his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu. The fallout was bitter: Madumere accused Okorocha of lacking the “capacity to stop” his bid, but betrayal from his own protégés proved the “greatest opposition.”
Madumere decried deputies’ ceremonial roles—”merely as spare tyres needed at the governor’s convenience”—and called for constitutional amendments to empower them. “A lack of trust on the part of governors could be responsible for their plight,” he said.
While the norm is exclusion, a handful of deputies have broken through, often by accident rather than design:
These cases from Jonathan’s improbable rise to Umahi’s elite-backed defiance—highlight that success often hinges on unforeseen events like deaths or impeachments, rarely on governors’ endorsements.
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